28 April 2010

Women: CU sharpens the contradictions - Sibusiso Mchunu

28, 2010, April
Off the cuff, Issue No: 3

Let’s talk about these things…’No Woman, No Revolution’


The free students of the Communist University as alluded on the last issue about the series on ‘No woman, No Revolution’. The free education provided by the Communist university has so far deepened and sharpened the contradiction on this series on women and the struggle confronting women in this epoch.

As students of a free society and University are grappling with equality of women as we understand that ‘a free development of each is a condition for a free development of all’, and here we are not, of course, speaking of making women the equal of men as far as productivity of labour, the quantity of labour, the length of the working day, labour conditions, etc.., are concerned; we mean that the woman should not, unlike the man, be oppressed because of her position in the family. You all know that even when women have full rights, they still remain factually downtrodden because all housework is left to them. In most cases housework is the most unproductive, the most barbarous and the most arduous work a woman can do. It is exceptionally petty and does not include anything that would in any way promote the development of the woman[1]. Now as a free society, is it our task to revive the women’s body to fight their struggle as they see fit with all contradictions or get another body all together of the working women to advance the struggle?

In a free society and that of the mind can we impose on women as to how should they organise themselves, as free willing if they are not ready or conscious of the looming challenges before them of equality first? As the task of communists is to educate, organize and mobilize. Are we doing enough?

As the 3rd Congress of the Communist international seems to think, can we prescribe what women organization should do or should not do? The III Congress of the Communist International therefore recognizes that a special apparatus for conduction work among women is necessary. This apparatus must consist of departments or commissions for among women, attached to every party committee at all levels, from the CC of the Party right down to the urban, district or local party committee. This decision is binding to on all Parties in the Communist International.[2] The contradiction within the students of a free Communist University is intensifying  and we hope as we continue with the series on women, on the 29 April 2010 of the Women’s Charter, FEDSAW Founding conference, 1954 that a Single Society: we women do not form a society separate from the men. There is only one society, and it is made up of both women and men. As women we share the problems and anxiety of our men, and join hands with them to remove social evils and obstacles to progress[3]. And we hope as we continue to agree to disagree how our relationship with women should be revolutionary and that is getting Socialism in our life time and ultimately Communism as the last stage on this transitionary milieu. Next week we will be dealing with ANCWL, short History & points from 2003 Constitution.

“An Appeal: We women appeal to all progressive organizations, to members of the great National Liberatory movements to the trade unions and working class organizations, to the churches, educational and welfare organizations, to all progressive men and women who have interests of the people at heart, to join with us in this great and noble endeavour.” [Women’s Charter, adopted at the Founding Conference of the Federation of South African Women (FEDSAW) JHB, 17 April 1954]

The Communist University (student of the free society and education) meet every Thursdays at 17H00 till 18H30 at the University of JHB Library, Doornfontein Campus (former Wits Technikon).

The proletariat cannot achieve complete freedom, unless it achieves complete freedom for women [To the working women, VI Lenin, 1920]

Socialism is the best

_______________________________
Co-Chair Communist University, JHB
Deputy Chair, SACP, JHB Central Branch

Cde Sibusiso Mchunu
(Writing in his own capacity)


Arise ye prisoner of starvation
Arise ye toilers of the earth
For reason thunders new creation
Tis a better world in birth

Never more tradition chain shall bind us
Arise ye toilers no more in thrall
The earth shall rise on new foundations
We are but naught we shall be all

Then comrades, come rally
Tis the last fight we face
The internationale
Unite the human race



[1] The Tasks of the working women’s movement in the Soviet Republic [V. I Lenin, 1919 (Lenin on women 1919-1920)]
[2] Method and forms of work among Communist party women: These [Third Congress of the Communist International, 1921]
[3] Women’s Charter[Adopted at the Founding Conference of the Federation of  South African Women, Johannesburg, 17 April 1954 ] 

16 April 2010

Print on Demand and “Just World Books”

Print on Demand and “Just World Books”

An innovation in publishing


The Communist University has been using a “print on demand” for several months now, by arrangement with the Jetline Print on Demand company. Jetline has uploaded a large number of Communist University “short texts”, and made them available via their outlets and hence to study groups all over South Africa. To find out more about this very economical CU service, click here (see top of right-hand panel).


Just World Books

  
Now, an e-friend of the CU, Helena Cobban of Washington, DC, USA, who is the proprietor of the longstanding Middle-East-oriented blog “Just World News” (JWN), has taken the Print On Demand publishing concept to another level.

Helena has set up a publishing company and called it “Just World Books” (the JWB web site is coming soon).

This new publishing house will sell full-length, properly printed books in the USA for less than $25, and give the author a bigger cut than other publishers do.

The books will be “self-curated” and self-edited by the authors. Helena’s idea is to publish the best of peoples’ existing blog output or other writing, in book form.

Helena wanted “to work with some of the fellow-bloggers whose work I most admire, to provide a vehicle through which they could get some of their best work repackaged and presented in a form that would be much more easily accessible than blog archives are to the many readers who need to be reading this important material: Also known as a b-o-o-k.”

“I decided to call this process ‘curating’,” writes Helena.

“The existence of a number of companies offering excellent ‘Print-On-Demand’ (POD) services… is kind to Mother Earth, since it avoids the printing of book-copies excess to market needs.

“But it’s also more important than that for our project: Since we don’t have to make all those complex commercial calculations about print-runs, and then deal with the costs and hassle of inventory management, warehousing, tracking returns, etc., we can concentrate instead on bringing out excellent copies of excellent books. We can be much more agile and timely in our publishing plans than traditional publishers ever could be,” says Helena

“JWB’s business plan is based on the concept of ‘Short Turnround Time for Timely Titles',” says Helena.

The announcement of Just World Books was made on JWN yesterday, 15 April 2010, here.


Print on Demand as such

Print on demand can make it possible for “hard copy” books to become significant carriers of political ideas once again, as they were in the days of the "Left Book Club", or "Penguin Books" in its heyday, or "Progress Publishers" and "Seven Seas Publishers", in the old Soviet Union and GDR, for some examples.

Helena Cobban’s model publishing house can be the fore-runner of thousands of such low-overhead publishing houses, freed from the burden of stocking titles.

Books that are “out of print” can be recovered and made available once again. These could include the Marxist “classics”, which have already experienced a renaissance because of their reappearance and free availability on the Internet, outstandingly so in the case of the Marxists Internet Archive , which has recently also launched a hard copy book-publishing operation of its own (see here).

Books remain the preferred method of reading for most people. The secure, semi-permanent nature of an edition in book form is a useful attribute that electronic publishing will never equal. Books are also desirable artefacts and art objects in their own right.

Print On Demand can also potentially reduce the cost and increase the availability of all kinds of school and university books, just as it has for the CU’s material.

The book is back!

VC

14 April 2010

No Woman, No Revolution

15, 2010, April
Off the cuff
Let’s talk about these things…’No Woman, No Revolution’ The JHB Communist University has just finished its first series on Basic Communism as the introductory to our University study. In the Communist University we use short text (for each week) and we have been meeting without fail since the University opened on the 20, 2010 January. Now we are in the second series called ‘No Woman, No Revolution’. This series on women is very challenging as it challenges holistic view and understanding of women struggle as the women’s world is divided, just as is the world of men, into two camps; the interests and aspirations of one group of women bring it close to the bourgeois class, while the other group has close connections with the proletariat, and its claims for liberation encompass a full solution to the woman question…[i] while the world and the our journalist in both print and electronic have of late focused their energy about Cde Julius Malema (BBC reporter) and Eugene Terre Blanche but a female was humiliated on E. TV studio by Andre Visagie . Yet the angle of reporting about such, is a though it was a joke. It is therefore paramount to have active women and we should protect them with all what we have as we want woman workers to achieve equality with men not only in law, but in life as well…therefore, elect more women workers, both Communist and non-Party, to the Soviet. If she is only an honest woman worker who is capable of managing work sensibly and conscientiously, it makes no difference if she is not a member of the Party, elect her to…Soviets.[ii] We hope that as we grapple with a women question both women and men will realise that proletarian women have a different attitude. They do not see men as the enemy and the oppressor; on the contrary, they think of men as their comrades, who shares with them the drudgery of the daily round and fight with them for a better future. The women and her male comrade are enslaved by the same social conditions; the same hated chains of capitalism oppress their will and deprive them of the joys and charms of life. [iii] It is therefore important that we must not loose sight of the bigger struggle before us (of No woman, No Revolution) and be diverted to discuss politics of individuals of which at the Communist University we are lucky that we use these short texts to get concrete analysis for concrete situations, as in words, bourgeois democracy promises equality and liberty. In fact, not a single bourgeois republic, not even the most advanced once, has given the feminine half of the human race either full legal equality with men or freedom from the guardianship and oppression of men.[iv] Therefore the Women and Child Ministry which we have at this epoch, will never deliver socialism or set free women; it is us, with organs of popular power (Soviets) that we must show commitment. The Communist University (Political School) has four different topics in a series as mentioned, The ‘Basic’ was the first as a series, then now we are doing a series on ‘No woman, No Revolution’ which will end on 10, 2010 June and then we will be begin with series on ‘Philosophy and Religion’, which will be followed by our last series on ‘Anti-Imperialism, War and Peace’ of which it will be the last. The Communist University meet every Thursdays at 17H00 till 18H30 at the University of JHB Library, Doornfontein Campus (former Wits Technikon). The proletariat cannot achieve complete freedom, unless it achieves complete freedom for women [To the working women, VI Lenin, 1920] Socialism is the best _________________________ Cde Sibusiso Mchunu
Arise ye prisoner of starvation Arise ye toilers of the earth For reason thunders new creation Tis a better world in birth Never more tradition chain shall bind us Arise ye toilers no more in thrall The earth shall rise on new foundations We are but naught we shall be all Then comrades, come rally Tis the last fight we face The internationale Unite the human race
[i] The Social basis of the Woman Question [Alexandra Kollontai, 1909 (The struggle for economic independence)] [ii] To the Working Women [VI Lenin, 1920] [iii] The Social basis of the Woman Question [Alexandra Kollontai, 1909 (The struggle for economic independence)] [iv] Soviet Power and the Status of Women [VI Lenin, 1919]

10 April 2010

Socialism impossible without the women - Lenin


Socialism impossible without the women

If we do not draw women into public activity, into the militia, into political life; if we do not tear women away from the deadening atmosphere of household and kitchen; then it is impossible to secure real freedom, it is impossible even to build democracy, let alone socialism.



We meet in the UJ Doornfontein Library. The next session will be as follows: 
  • Date: 15 April (Thursday)
  • Time: 17h00 sharp to 18h30 sharp
  • Venue: The Library, University of Johannesburg, 37 Nind Street, Doornfontein, Johannesburg (former Technikon Witwatersrand). Cars enter from the slip road to the left of the bridge on Siemert Road.
  • Topic: Lenin on Women.


The above quote from Lenin [pictured, speaking in the open air in the revolutionary year of 1917] expresses as clearly as can be the full meaning of our series title: “No Woman, No Revolution”.

Yet it was not democracy “in general” of which Lenin wrote. Democracy is an instrument of class struggle, and can never be a substitute for class struggle.

The following words were written by Lenin for the second anniversary of the Great October Revolution (and are included in the downloadable document linked below):

“Let the liars and hypocrites, the dull-witted and blind, the bourgeois and their supporters hoodwink the people with talk about freedom in general, about equality in general, about democracy in general.

“We say to the workers and peasants: Tear the masks from the faces of these liars, open the eyes of these blind ones. Ask them:

“Equality between what sex and what other sex?

“Between what nation and what other nation?

“Between what class and what other class?

“Freedom from what yoke, or from the yoke of what class? Freedom for what class?”

“Down with the liars who are talking of freedom and equality for all, while there is an oppressed sex, while there are oppressor classes, while there is private ownership of capital, of shares, while there are the well-fed with their surplus of bread who keep the hungry in bondage. Not freedom for all, not equality for all, but a fight against the oppressors and exploiters, the abolition of every possibility of oppression and exploitation-that is our slogan!

“Freedom and equality for the oppressed sex!

“Freedom and equality for the workers, for the toiling peasants!

“A fight against the oppressors, a fight against the capitalists, a fight against the profiteering kulaks!

“That is our fighting slogan, that is our proletarian truth, the truth of the struggle against capital, the truth which we flung in the face of the world of capital with its honeyed, hypocritical, pompous phrases about freedom and equality in general, about freedom and equality for all.

Lenin, Soviet Power and the Status of Women, November 1919

In the document linked below you will also find that in September of that year (1919) there was already a “Fourth Moscow City Conference Of Non-Party Working Women”, that was addressed by Lenin (and also by Trotsky).

When Lenin wrote in 1917 - between the two revolutions of that year, and before he had returned to Russia - that “it is impossible even to build democracy, let alone socialism” without the women, he also prefigured the National Democratic Revolution altogether, with the clear implication that democratic class struggle is a prerequisite of socialism.

In the last line of the text for this session, Lenin repeats the “No Woman, No Revolution” message:

The proletariat cannot achieve complete freedom, unless it achieves complete freedom for women.
Lenin, To the Working Women, February 1920

Download:


09 April 2010

Time for rural people to experience change: Gugile Nkwinti


 ANC Today, 9 April 2010


Progress Report | By Gugile Nkwinti


It is the time for rural people to experience the desired change that we have all talked about


The resolution of the 52nd National Conference of the ANC (December 2007) on agrarian change, land reform and rural development, confirmed the ANC's acute awareness and sensitivity to the centrality of land (the land question) as a fundamental element in the resolution of the race, gender and class contradictions in South Africa.

National sovereignty is defined in terms of land. That is why, even without it being enshrined in the country's supreme law, the constitution, land is a national asset. That is where the debate about agrarian change, land reform and rural development should, appropriately, begin. Without this fundamental assumption, talk of land reform and food security is superfluous!

We must, and shall, fundamentally review the current land tenure system during this Medium Term Strategic Framework period. This we shall do through rigorous engagement with all South Africans, so that we should emerge with a tenure system which will satisfy the aspirations of all South Africans, irrespective of race, gender and class.

It is therefore fitting and appropriate, that the strategy of the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform be 'Agrarian Transformation' - interpreted to denote 'a rapid and fundamental change in the relations (systems and patterns of ownership and control) of land, livestock, cropping and community.' The objective of the strategy is 'social cohesion and development.' All anti-colonial struggles are at the core about two things, repossession of lost land and restoring the centrality of indigenous culture.

To deepen one's appreciation of this statement, one has to look in-depth at colonialist use of land, to subdue conquered population and the use of tribal or ethnic sub-cultures to submerge the cross-cutting culture, which characterises all tribal or ethnic groups - Ubuntu or human solidarity in the case of Africans. The super-profiling of ethnic or tribal subcultures by colonialists is deliberately meant to create competition and conflict amongst them – the divide and rule tactic generally used to deepen subjugation. Ubuntu, the over-arching African way of life, is integrally linked to land. Any attempt to restore Ubuntu without a concomitant land restoration is futile.

Social cohesion is a direct function of the restoration of land and indigenous culture. It is not just about allegiance to national symbols, e.g. the National Anthem and Flag, important as they are. Social cohesion is built around a people's culture. In multi-cultural societies it is built around recognition of cultural diversity as strength and using such diversity to build social cohesion. Despite cultural differences, members of communities generally share the same values and taboos and tend to use those values and taboos to develop hybrid or sub-cultures which combine to hold people together.

People tend to attend the same churches, schools and play for the same clubs and become members of the same stokvels, societies, trade unions, business organisations, political parties, co-operatives etc. These institutions create subcultures which bind them together. In rural communities relationships are much deeper as they tend to be historical and inter-generational. Mutuality is a way of life which would have evolved organically, nourished and cemented by shared hard and good times.

In African societies these relational virtues are summed up in one word: Ubuntu. This is the bedrock of African culture. Colonialism and Apartheid sought at all times, and by all means to destroy it. Of all such means, the Natives Land Act 27 of 1913 and the migrant labour system are the ones which wreaked the most havoc in African rural communities, seriously undermining the virtues of Ubuntu as people lost their basic expression of Ubuntu - the ability to give/ izinwe, which disappeared with the loss of their land; they could no longer produce enough food to feed themselves; they could not keep livestock; they had to survive on meagre wages, which could hardly meet their family needs, let alone being generous and share with neighbours.

Colonialism and apartheid brutalised black people, turning them into hostages to perennial hunger, related diseases and social strifes and disorders. Rural development and land reform must be the catalyst in the ANC government's mission to reverse this situation. It took centuries to inflict it on black people and it is going to take quite a while to address it, but it shall be done. That long road necessarily starts with the crafting of a new pragmatic but fundamentally altered land tenure system for the country. Any other option will perpetuate social fragmentation and underdevelopment.

Development and its corollary, underdevelopment as outcomes, are a function of certain political choices and decisions as well as certain administrative actions, processes, procedures and institutions. Defined in this context, development denotes 'social, cultural and economic progress brought about through certain political choices and decisions and realised through certain administrative actions, processes, procedures and institutions.' The key parameters for measuring development therefore, are social, political, administrative, cultural, institutional and economic. Depending on the type of political choices and decisions and administrative actions, processes, procedures and institutions put in place, there will be progress (development) or stagnation (under-development).

In short, depending on the type of political choices we make, and the decisions we take now, the type of administrative actions we take, the processes, procedures and institutions we put in place, will either bring about the desired social cohesion and development or will perpetuate the colonial-apartheid's social fragmentation and under-development.

For the sake of clarity, 'development' indicators in this text are 'shared growth and prosperity, full employment, relative income equality and cultural progress and those for 'under-development' are 'poverty, unemployment, inequality and cultural backwardness'. It is submitted here that the two opposing socio-economic pillars, development and under-development, are a function of certain political choices and decisions, as well as certain administrative actions, processes, procedures and institutions; not just any political choice or decision, nor any administrative action, process, procedure or institution. They distinguish one ideological perspective from the other.

Apartheid was an outcome of particular political choices and decisions which were executed through a plethora of oppressive policies and laws, which were carefully crafted to achieve the set outcome. Consider the following passage from one Maurice Evans, on the reduction in the Natal land quota for black people in this regard:

"Yet even this will mean an average of 156 acres per head of European population, and 6.8 acres for every native, while, 'the land which will fall within the European areas is infinitely healthier, more fertile, and altogether more desirable, than either present locations or the areas recommended by the Beaumont Commission".

This was not an isolated case. It was the South African story in the systematic denudation and impoverishment of black people. Our effort to bring about the corrective measures necessary to tone down the anger, bitterness and pain of those who were subject to this brutal treatment must be collective. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission has adequately demonstrated the capacity of black South Africans to forgive. But we should not take this goodwill for granted, because it is not inexhaustible. Working together we must build our collective future on this critical social asset.

Conceptualisation of the Comprehensive Rural Development Programme (CRDP)

In our efforts to make rural development a reality, we have developed the framework for Comprehensive Rural Development. This has been shared with all sector departments at national and provincial levels. The key thrust of the framework is an integrated programme of rural development, land reform and agrarian change

Piloting CRDP

In our quest to create vibrant, equitable and sustainable rural communities, the Department is implementing the CRDP in several wards in the country. Since the launch of the first pilot site by the President of the Republic in Muyexe, Limpopo province, the Department has expanded the implementation of the CRDP and is currently working in 21 wards in the country. This work will be rolled out to 160 additional wards by 2014 as stated by the President. We have adopted all the Integrated Sustainable Rural Development Programme (IRSDP) nodes, and have incorporated the lessons learnt into the CRDP. As from 1 April 2010 the War on Poverty, which has prioritised 1 128 wards over the Medium Term Strategic Framework (MTSF) period will be relocated from the Presidency to the Department.

Building institutional capacity

During this period we have also been working on building the institutional capacity of the Department to deliver effectively on this mandate. A new organogram has already been approved by the Minister of Public Service and Administration and the National Treasury. The Department is currently in the process of recruiting the required capacity. As promised during my maiden budget vote speech, the post settlement support strategy has been strengthened and properly capacitated with more than 100 employees across the country. Realising that we cannot do this alone, partnerships have been developed with tertiary and research institutions.

An overview of the Department's overall performance has been completed and has guided the development of certain short and medium term strategic and operational remedies.

The CRDP job creation and skills training model

Of importance is that in each area where the CRDP is being implemented, a new vibrancy has been created around working together, involving communities, the three spheres of government and the private sector. This has enabled us to mobilise resources from all sectors of government to enhance delivery. An inclusive CRDP stakeholder participation model has been developed with the Council of Stakeholders functioning as the planning, implementation and monitoring body. Communities themselves have become central to their own development. We have through the work undertaken at the CRDP sites, and in conjunction with both National, Provincial and Local Government, erected infrastructure such as housing, water, sanitation, agricultural inputs, community halls, multi-purpose centres, fencing, renovation of schools and clinics and much more. Simultaneous with the implementation of these different projects, we have been piloted a Job Creation and Skills training model.

Priorities of Government

The mandate of the Department is derived from the five priorities of the ruling party and government's MTSF priorities.

The CRDP has set us on a new course for postcolonial reconstruction and development. This shall be achieved through coordinated and broad based agrarian transformation which will focus on:

  • Building communities through Social mobilisation and institution building;
  • Strategic investment in old and new social, economic, ICT infrastructure and public amenities and facilities coordinated through the Rural Infrastructure Programme;
  • A new land reform programme implemented in the context of the reviewed Land Tenure System;
  • Rendering of professional and technical services as well as effective and sustainable resource management through the component of Geo-spatial Services, Technology Development and Disaster Management.
  • Effective provision of cadastral and deeds registry as well as Surveys and Mapping services

The Department is committed to the achievement of outcome 7 of the 12 outcomes pursued by Government over the MTSF period and that is: 'vibrant, equitable and sustainable rural communities'. The success of this Department over the MTSF period will be measured through delivery on the following outputs:

  • Sustainable land reform;
  • Food security for all;
  • Rural development and sustainable livelihoods; and,
  • Job creation linked to skills training.

Challenges in the current service delivery model

I have to acknowledge that the land reform programmes implemented to date have not been sustainable and have not provided the anticipated benefits to the recipients of the programme. To date approximately 6 million hectares of land have been transferred through restitution and redistribution and much of this land is not productive and has not created any economic benefit for many of the new owners. There has been an over emphasis on hectares at the expense of development and food security.

This has contributed to declining productivity on farms; decrease in employment in the agricultural sector; and, deepening poverty in the countryside. Coupled with this is a "leak-out" of the redistributed land which results from recipients failing to honour debts with the Land Bank and other commercial banks. The monetary implications to transfer the remaining 19 million hectares of land, by 2014 has been calculated at approximately R72 billion if we are to continue to pursue the willing buyer willing seller model. It is clear that the current land reform environment is the result of institutional weaknesses in overall land management, policy and legislation.

What is to be done?

1. Rural development

One of our key responsibilities is the revitalisation of small rural towns as they act as catalysts for development and job creation in the rural and peri-urban areas. This will be achieved by interfacing rural and peri-urban areas through infrastructure development, initiatives to meet basic human needs, enterprise development, agro village industries and credit facilities. Key drivers in this regard will be water services, energy, sanitation, communication system and human skills.

The Department will also form an integral part in the local government turn-around strategy by providing support to municipalities in the compilation of Spatial Development Frameworks.

2. Sustainable land reform:

The challenges in our current service delivery model and fiscal constraints have compelled us to review our targets and develop alternative approaches relating to the restitution and redistribution programme. The following principles will underpin our new approach towards sustainable land reform, namely:

  • de-racialisation of the rural economy for shared and sustained growth;
  • democratic and equitable land allocation and use across gender, race; and, class, and
  • strict production discipline for guaranteed national food security.

3. Food Security for all

To respond to the challenges of the collapsing land reform projects and defunct irrigation schemes in the former homelands, we have introduced a new programme called "Recapitalisation and Development". The objectives of this programme are to increase production; to guarantee food security; to graduate small farmers into commercial farmers and create employment opportunities within the agricultural sector. The core principles of the programme are mentorship; co-management and share equity.

To implement this programme, we have taken a decision to allocate 25% of our baseline land acquisition budget; this amounts to R900million for the 2010/11 financial year. The centrality of the public-private partnership in the recapitalisation and development programme cannot be over-emphasised. We are encouraged that organised agriculture has fully embraced this strategic intervention.

4. Job creation and skills training

We are driven by the vision to put one job in every rural household. From the CRDP entry point of mobilising and organising rural people we build unemployed peoples' skills, particularly the youth and unleash them in their own communities to do decent work.

Having entered into strategic partnerships such as with the Department of Higher Education and Training, the same youth will undergo intensive preparations in running their own enterprises, thus creating sustainable jobs in their own communities. We are focussed on transforming job seekers into job givers and ending the cycle of dependency on social grants.

5. Institutions

The ANC's 52nd National Conference in 2007 resolved, among other things, that the government should establish an appropriate institution with the resources and authority to drive and coordinate an integrated programme of rural development , land reform and agrarian change. The policy and legislation for the envisaged Rural Development Agency is receiving increasing attention and shall be finalised by May 2012.

To address the institutional weaknesses in land management policy and legislation alluded to earlier, there is a need for a Land Management Institution that will:

  • be autonomous, but not independent and characterised by accountability, transparency and professionalism;
  • have the power to; subpoena, inquire on own volition or at the instance of interested parties, to verify/validate title deeds, demand declaration of landholdings and grant amnesty and prosecute;
  • Ensure that state land will not be disposed of, but rather leased.

Policy and legislative environment

1. Green Paper
Over the past few months the Department has been focusing on the development of a Green Paper on Agrarian Transformation, Rural development and Land reform which will articulate and elaborate on some of the measures mentioned above, its intended to culminate in a new land policy framework and an 'omnibus of legislation' which should be consolidation of all land-related laws. The Green Paper will soon be presented to Cabinet for consideration; and, the plan is to submit it to Parliament by the end of April, 2010.

In the Green Paper we will propose that for South Africa to achieve equitable access and sustainable land use, the current Land Tenure System must be overhauled, in this regard we propose a Three-Tier Land Tenure System, namely:

  • State land: under leasehold;
  • Private land: under freehold with limited extent; and
  • Foreign-ownership with precarious tenure. linked to productivity and partnership models with South African citizens

The above system will be based on a categorisation model informed by land use needs at the level of household, small holder and commercial farming.

2. Land Tenure Security Bill

While we are in the process of developing legislation linked to the green paper process, it is imperative that we find immediate mechanisms to respond to the plight of farm workers and farm dwellers as was enjoined by the President during the State of the Nation Address last year, we will introduce the Land Tenure Security Bill (2010), which will repeal the Extension of Security of Tenure Act as well as the Labour Tenants Act, and will be informed by the following objectives:

  • Protecting of relative rights for farm workers;
  • Strengthen to rights of farm dwellers;
  • Enhancing food security through sustained production discipline.

The people of South Africa entrusted us with the mandate of rural development and land reform, they entrusted us with their futures! As a responsive and responsible government, we will implement policy that will create a better life for all. We will work together, and will achieve these successes together.

The President enjoined us to make this the year of action, we have ensured that the Department is adequately orientated and capacitated to give effect to this and must therefore adhere to the President's call! The time for rural development is now and not tomorrow! This is the time for rural people to experience the desired change that we have all talked about. We are all the agents of that change.


Pitfalls of national and class struggle

Chris Hani Memorial Lecture delivered by Buti Manamela, National Secretary of the YCLSA, at J Dumane Hall, Vosloorus, 9 April 2010




Chris Hani Memorial Lecture


“The pitfalls of national and class struggle: what role for the youth”


The Struggle Continues

One of the most heroic, brilliant and consistent leader and revolutionary of the ANC, SACP, the working class and the poor - Martin Thembisile “Chris” Hani was assassinated 17 years ago on the 10th of April. The assassins, Waluz Jaluz and Clive Derby Lewis, where later apprehended through information received from a white woman, a neighbour of the Hani family, and confessed their political motives.

When the news of the assassination of Hani spread throughout the country there was chaos in the streets of our townships with the youth of our country vowing to avenge his death.

This may have or not have happened, but there was never an official instruction or action for such to happen.

Chris Hani was bigger than Terreblanche. Hani was assassinated, Blanche was not. Hani’s leadership in the form of Mandela pleaded for calm, Blanche’s AWB did not, but instead vowed to avenge and, if reports from newspapers are to be believed, they are.

Hani will never be forgotten and will always be celebrated by the majority, Blanche will be remembered by the majority as a racist and anti-transition, and will never be celebrated.

But this is not why we are here.

Chris Hani as a symbol of National Reconciliation

In his short biography written in February 1991, at the height of racial tensions, Chris Hani wrote that his “...conversion to Marxism also deepened (his) non-racial perspective...”. This was obviously going to, at the time, with thousands of young people being maimed in the township, going to be unpopular.

But Hani understood that it is not populism that will serve the country at the time. He understood that it is not about the colour of your oppressor, but more about the liberation of the oppressed.

He shared the sentiment that was pursued by Nelson Mandela that national liberation was not about “doing away with white domination, but also about fighting black domination”

This is very important not only because of the manufactured racial tensions and intolerance within the country, but also because many people believed that the struggle against Apartheid was a struggle by blacks against whites. Yes, the majority of white South Africans enjoyed the benefits of apartheid.

Yes, the majority of black people were treated as fourth class citizens in their own country. But not all white people embraced white domination, and equally, not all black people embraced the struggle against Apartheid.

Chris Hani knew that he shared the trenches with white people, and that some of them influenced his joining the South African Communist Party and became more active in the struggle against white domination.

Hani mentions in his 1991 biography struggle stalwarts such as Braam Fischer and Ray Simons, whilst he had led the Communist Party with people like Jeremy Cronin and Joe Slovo. But he also knew that from his own home there where people like Matanzima and Sigcau who sold out the struggle for national liberation by embracing the Bantustan system.

Here, Hani teaches us that the main problem with apartheid was that it was a democracy for the few. He teaches us, as the youth of today, that apartheid was only voted for by the minority in our country and that the majority where being excluded. But he insists that black leadership, dialectically speaking, does not represent the suppression of the white minority.

The reason why I say that the current racial intolerance are manufactured is precisely because their basis are opportunistic and finds no presence within our people. Of course there remains rampant oppression and exploitation of black people.

Of course there are both white and black people who believe that Apartheid was better because it suited them well. Of course there are still those who believe that a white person will forever remain superior because of their colour. But this does not mean that we need to encourage all of these.

The other important lesson from Chris Hani is that to be black does not mean that you can never be racist. That is why he declares that he was converted to non-racialism when he joined the SACP.

This is important because there are those who assume that by being anti-apartheid, they are therefore revolutionary and non-racist. We see them every day. They walk around believing that to swear at a white person means that you are revolutionary. They misrepresent revolution to mean being against white people. That is wrong and we must fight against it.

At the risk of sounding unpopular, let me say, if those two young men killed Terre’Blanche because he was a white person, then they are no better than him because they committed the very same sin he was guilty of.

If the struggle for national liberation was a struggle against whites, it would have been easy to identify the enemy and never to win new friends by labelling every white person as an enemy and killing them. The white people in the Soviet Union, in Cuba, in the US, in Latin America and the entire Europe would not have had the sympathy and solidarity against the system of Apartheid because ours would have been an Anti-White struggle, and not an anti-apartheid struggle.

The important objective here is that our struggle was for “the liberation of black people in general and Africans in particular from economic and political bondage”. Our struggle was for “the creation of a non-racist, non-sexist and democratic society.”

In simple terms this means, instead of instituting black domination, we where for nation building. It means instead of instituting black dictatorship, we were for an inclusive democratic society. It also meant that we would respect the rights of women and ensure that we liberate them from their triple oppression.

We, the current generation, hold the burden of our parents, both black and white. But we equally hold an opportunity to build an equal, non-racist society that does not judge a person on the basis of his or her colour.

Let us expose white racism for the purpose of building democracy and non-racism, but in the same vein, let us not perpetuate black racism as the new symbol of black liberation. Any struggle premised on negative objectives will not succeed. If we insult, threaten, abuse or even kill or perpetuate the killing of people of the opposite race merely because we do not agree with them or we hate their colour, we are no different from those who oppressed the potential of this country for more than 650 years.

The future lies in the hands of this generation and its youth leadership to light the torch that will build a non-racial society for all. We do not need to be members of the SACP, just like Hani, to be converted from racists to non-racialism. We are the modern generation that is learning from the previous, and therefore have an equal task of climbing the pitfalls of national oppression, and actually overcoming those.

We have the advantage of learning in black and white schools. We have the advantage of learning from black or white working class parents. We have the advantage of learning from black and white managers of factories. We have the advantage from learning from black and white political leaders who stands in the same podium and argue for non-racialism. We are living in the world that surpasses barbarism and pre-civilisation. We should make this country work, as black and white youth alike. The future lies in our hands to reverse the sins of our parents.

I said earlier on that I want to be like Hani. I also implore you to be like Hani and let his leadership qualities guide you, and I will tell you why.

But for me being like Hani does not mean committing the same mistakes that Chris has committed. I will be disappointing him, especially when he has left such a wonderful legacy for me to learn from.

You may be sitting here wanting to be like Mandela, Sisulu, Tambo, Govan Mbeki and many other heroes of our struggle. But to want to be like them means learning from them, not repeating their mistakes and actually improving on the good that they have done.

In his biography, Mandela speaks of how he used to disrupt meetings of the SACP. If today, he hears that people are destroying meetings of the SACP because they want to be like him, or that they are insulting white people because they want to be like him, I doubt if they will he proud.

Hani equally would want us to learn from his mistakes and not repeat them. Maturity from the eyes of the previous generations means that we do not repeat the same mistakes that they committed. It is time to move forward and build a prosperous, united, non-racist and democratic society. This is an ideal Nelson Mandela nearly died for, and it is therefore an ideal I implore you to live for

The irony of Hani and National Reconciliation

Chris Hani was killed by white people. From those who planned his murder to those who pulled the trigger, including those who are accused of being part of the plot. But the irony of the death of Chris Hani is that the white murderers where apprehended because of the information from a white woman who happened to be a neighbour. If the neighbour had chosen to keep quite and just said that another black person has been persecuted and it is none of her business, Waluz Januz and Derby-Lewis would not be rotting in jail today and later in hell.

But even in that situation, Mandela, in true leadership style and as guided by the ANC, declared that there must be peace and that there is no way back. He understood that the way back is the way to violence. He understood that violence will not only mean the loss of white lives, but the lives of black lives too. He understood that for this negative act, there is an opportunity for a positive act in the form of advancing the negotiations and attaining peace.

Equally, those who want to use the death of Terre’Blanche as a means to evict black farm workers and retrench them from their jobs, as TAU SA and AWB wants us to do, should understand that Terre’Blanche is no Chris Hani but also that the price may be too heavy as the majority of black farm workers have not much to lose but their chains.

In the same vein, we need to warn those who celebrate the death of Terre’Blanche that racial and ethnic cleansing is not in the interest of the country. Let us heed the words of President Jacob Zuma and ensure that there is peace in our country.

Chris Hani, the man of Peace

"If you want peace then you must struggle for social justice."

One of the major challenges that we face in our country is that of the social injustices that are meted on our people on a daily basis. Many in our country are going on without land, without water, without electricity, without food, without jobs, without decent livelihoods, without education, without decent healthcare and many other social inequities that continues to ravage our country 17 years after the death of Chris Hani.

This happens in the presence of and parallel to both black and white wealth. It also happens in the presence of both black and white prosperity. The reality, of course, is that the majority of impoverished people are black, albeit the presence of white poverty.

The other reality is that in as much as there is an impoverished and mainly black Alexandra township, it also co-exist across with an opulent multi-racial Sandton, where wealth in our country can no longer be associated with white life.

This is not what Hani stood for.

Hani stood for the eradication of poverty from all races. Hani advocated for the creation of a prosperous society for all the people of our country. He would never have stood back and listened to some white capitalists justifying their right to remain wealthy, but he would have equally rebuked some black emerging capitalists who would have wanted to justify their path to wealth at the expense of and in exclusion of others.

For Hani, the end of crime represented the end of poverty. What is regarded as criminal today, is almost the universal definition of crime in the capitalist context. It is people who, because they are excluded from the mainstream of the economy and their social life cannot even attain the bare minimum, then go all out to commit crime and get a plate of food for the evening.

These are victims of social inequalities. That is why, in the vocabulary of Chris Hani, if you want to end injustice and create peace, you must fight for social justice and not for personal accumulation.

Hani should be turning in his grave when people who are supposed to be delivering for the majority of our people from poverty are the same people who justify their right to be first in the queue of the rich.

He would have been ashamed to have seen the same people whom he had shared the trenches with are the same people who justify why they should share the same wealthy villages with the rich.

Hani would have been ashamed when wealth accumulation happens sometimes in the name of black majority rule, and when some who claim to be advancing his legacy of democracy and nation-building are reaping wealth whilst they disadvantage the poor through terrible service delivery.

One of the central themes of Hani’s campaigns was to fight against monopoly capital, and in particular, white monopoly capital. He regarded this as the primary enemy that sustained itself through the disenfranchisement of our people.

He hated capitalism and all its attendant benefits with all of his heart. It is for this reason that Hani instructs us to fight for peace through creating social justice. This is the challenge that we face as the youth of today.

It is a shame that 17 years after his death, we still have a Chris Hani informal settlements that remains as poor as he was still alive, a Joe Slovo Park, a Winnie Mandela Park, and all these other areas which are seen by the elite as crime hot-spots where the only sign of service delivery is to deploy policemen to shoot and kill those who want to create disorder.

The definition of social injustice as advocated by Hani also equally means that had we heed his call, there should be no service delivery protests. The youth of our country should not be rising against their government to demand basic services. The Counsellors and mayors in our municipalities should not be afraid to go to their communities to explain to them the problems and discussing with them the solutions.

One of the characteristics of Hani was his ability to be where the masses of our people are. To ensure that as they engage into collective action to demand a change in their livelihood, he is there and he understands all of these. This is the lesson that our counsellors should assimilated and not start practising in 2011 when we near Local Government Elections.

On debates, and on how to handle the other parties

"We as the ANC-led liberation alliance have nothing to fear and everything to gain from a climate of political tolerance. We do not fear open contest and free debate with other organisations. Open debate can only serve to uncover the bankruptcy of our political opponents.

As a Communist, one of the greatest blackmail that has been used against Hani and his comrades was the history of the Soviet Union and the fact that it was not a free society. Regularly, sometimes without proper justification, and buttressed with propaganda of the apartheid regime and its anti-communist sentiment, the communists and the ANC where accused of stifling debates and not being an open organisation as they flirted with Stalinism.

This was obviously a trump card used by the Apartheid system for its own convenience during negotiations. Equally, this level of blackmail is being used within the movement to try and score cheap political points. When people loose elections or debates they sometimes find comfort in engaging outside the structures of the movement, and on platforms that will never persuade or dissuade their opponents in order for their views to emerge.

The greatest strength that Chris Hani possessed was engagement. He believed that we all have our different views, and that the ANC led Alliance and the SACP where not build by a herd of sheep that shouted the same slogans. He knew that through debates we build each other and we get exposed to different, albeit principled, views on what needs to be done.

He advocated for tolerance within the movement, and that is why, as we are now to know, that he never classified those who differed with the leadership as non-entities, as sell-outs, as enemy agents, as forces of imperialism or any such labels.

He in many instances took the side of the minority view in that they had the right to be heard. In this way, Hani was widely respected in the camps. He knew that as a leader, to concede that a comrade junior than you is right and that you where wrong is not a sign of weak leadership, but a gain of their respect.

He also understood that as a leader you should be tolerant of those who are under your command, and that their different view is not about questioning your leadership and command but as part of assisting you to take clearer and wiser decisions.

Hani knew that the first step of engagement is respect. He in many instance, we are told, differed with Mandela or Gwala or Tambo, but never did they lose his respect or he theirs. He understood that you can differ with a comrade and still remain cordial and respectful of each other.

This is very important. There is no one who doubted the militancy of Chris Hani. We can see this when it required military action. This was the Commissar who fought together with the Zipra forces for the liberation for Zimbabwe. This is the Commissar who was prepared to die in Lesotho as part of rebuilding structures of the ANC into South Africa. This was the same Commissar who was the Commander in Chief of uMkhonto we Sizwe. We will never doubt his militancy and radicalism in the field of battle.

But this is the same Commissar who was prepared to debate and engage with the Apartheid regime. He never said that the regime should live Codesa because they where anti-revolutionary.

He never said that the regime should walk out of Codesa because they were not agreeing with the many positions that the ANC advocated. He understood that the more they are kept on the negotiation table, the more they and their rotten views will be exposed.

To be short of tolerance in a political spectre is childish, populist and cowardly towards debates, as Hani would have retorted. It may in the short-term embarrass your opponents, but in the long term, expose your shallowness and bankruptcy in debates. The only way in which we can expose imperialism, capitalism, racism and the rotten views of their political representatives and agents is through debate, and not insults.

On socialism, and the need to fight for such a system

During the time of the leadership of Hani in the SACP, many a capitalist repeated the slogan: Socialism is Dead in Russia; Socialism will never live in Pretoria. This was obviously meant to continue with the propaganda of “rooi-gevaar” in our country to make people believe that socialism is the cruellest of systems and that capitalism should replace it.

We are still confronted with the same prophets of doom who, as they run out of ideas to discredit the paradise of socialism, label our leaders with all sorts of names; and each time we meet them, we say to them what Hani said to the prophets of doom of his time. He said and I quote:

“Socialism is not about big concepts and heavy theory. Socialism is about decent shelter for those who are homeless. It is about water for those who have no safe drinking water. It is about health care, it is about a life of dignity for the old. It is about overcoming the huge divide between urban and rural areas. It is about a decent education for all our people. Socialism is about rolling back the tyranny of the market. As long as the economy is dominated by an unelected, privileged few, the case for socialism will exist.”

Importantly, Hani believed that this socialism cannot just be a dream. He understood that it cannot just end with a plan. This is why one of the most significant characteristic of Chris Hani was action, action and action.

When he became General Secretary of the SACP, Hani’s introduced an active and campaigning party. He believed that through an agitated, fighting, vigilant, educated and learning working class there will always be a case for socialism. One of the most defining features of Hani’s campaigning SACP was his call for Housing, Health and Hunger (or the Triple H) Campaign, of which the current campaigning SACP through the Red October is reminiscent of.

Those who come and tell you, therefore, that capitalism is better than socialism and that socialism is a dream, tell them that it is better to live a dream than the current nightmare of with no housing, no safe drinking water, no health care, no dignity for the old and a huge divide between rural and old; and tell them Chris Hani said so...

We have to ensure that the rot we see, the rot we have to change and the rot we must fight is that of self aggrandisement and personal accumulation, and that through this fight, we shall realise “Socialism in our Lifetime”

On the Alliance: Let us defend it to Death

At the National Lekgotla of the Young Communist League we declared that we will die for the Alliance. We did not say this lightly, but said this because we believed that the Alliance represents the future of South Africa. When we came out in support of the change in the ANC we believed that those who were at its helm where not representative of the ideals that Chris Hani stood for. We supported President Jacob Zuma and his team because they believed in the undying spirit of Hani, and therefore, the strength and unity of the Alliance.

Hani was representative of the Alliance at the time. A leader of both the ANC and the SACP, and equally, the Chief of Staff of uMkhonto we Sizwe. He was never flinching of where he wanted to see the Alliance. He understood in the same vein that without the Alliance, there is no better South Africa.

My appeal to you today, as the future of our country, my fellow young compatriots, is to defend the Alliance to death in memory of Chris Hani. We need to say to those who want to destroy this alliance, sometimes in mere pursuit of leadership position, that you will never do it in our lifetime. We should say to all those whose interest is to divide the Alliance—whether they be in the ANC, SACP or Cosatu or in their youth wings—we should say to them that the Alliance is our future; do not destroy it.

The tendency to determine the strength or weakness of the Alliance on the basis of leadership, on the basis of who leads the ANC or SACP or COSATU must come to an end. The tendency to try and treat our leadership as unthinking and empty vessels who can be removed in the whim of an instruction must come to an end. The tendency to treat our leadership because they are communists or nationalists must come to an end.

We should see all our leaders as the true carriers and barriers of our future. We should respectfully correct them when they are wrong, engage them when we believe they are leading us no to where, but we should never allow anybody to try and break the Alliance or disrespect leaders or want to kick them out because they are communist or nationalists.

One of the basis of the unity of the PYA is to ensure that we defend the leadership of the ANC led Alliance indiscriminately. These are our leaders. To disrespect one of them is to disrespect all of them. Their individual failure is their collective failure, and similarly is their success.

Without the SACP, the ANC is nothing. Without the ANC, Cosatu is nothing. With Cosatu, the SACP is nothing. As Chris Hani said, and I quote:

“...I don't think we should feel shy about saying openly that we actually radicalised the ANC. We have moved the ANC from being a narrow nationalist movement championing the interests of a few, to a movement which has embraced the interests of the workers, the oppressed intelligentsia, the black middle class and I think that is our basic achievement…”

Let us defeat all tendencies that seek to survive through divisions and ensure that unity reigns. Anybody, who seeks to divide the ANC from the SACP, or the SACP from COSATU, or COSATU from the ANC mainly because one of the leaders is a communist or nationalist is no different from Terror Lekota who left the ANC because Gwede Mantatshe is both ANC SG and SACP National Chairperson.

One of the most profound things that Hani said was that:

“The ANC despite being a multi-class organisation, must still retain that element which has made it appealing to the majority of our people, namely, the radical element, the element of addressing some, not all of the aspirations of the working class… Let's accept (my emphasis) that there's always going to be a struggle within the ANC (not a hostile struggle) for the predominance of the ideas of the various classes within the ANC; there'll always be an attempt to balance these tendencies within the ANC. The ANC has always got to have these tendencies, otherwise it wouldn't be the ANC.

The same applies to all the structures of the Alliance.

Just at the point of his death, Hani said that:

 “What is important is the continuation of the struggle - and we must accept that the struggle is always continuing - under different conditions whether within parliament, or outside parliament, we shall begin to tackle the real problems of the country.”

In his view, just before he died, Hani believed that the struggle continues... Aluta Continua.

For as long as there is continued poverty and unemployment parallel to wealth and monopoly capitalism, Aluta Continua;

For as long as there is lack of access to education for some and the best education for others; Aluta Continua;

For as long as land ownership remains skewed in favour of a few white minority, whilst the majority of blacks remains landless and without food, Aluta Contnua

“THE WORKING CLASS HAS NOTHING TO LOSE BUT THEIR CHAINS...”

Thank You.

National Secretary of the YCLSA

Buti Manamela